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Sinn Féin and the European Union 2003

9 March, 2003

Sinn Féin and the European Union - a discussion document brought to the party’s Ard Fheis in March 2003

CONTENTS

Introduction

The policy of critical engagement

Economic issues

Economic and Monetary Union

The euro and the North

Structural Funding

The All-Ireland Dimension

of Structural Funding

Agriculture and Rural Development

Fisheries

Political Issues

The Convention on the

Future of Europe

Neutrality

Enlargement and External Relations

Summary

Introduction

Sinn Féin believes that democracy is built upon the sovereignty of the people expressed in the form of the democratic nation-state. Democracy is best exercised at local and national level where the citizen and the community have maximum input. The democratic sovereign state is the basis for social progress and for international cooperation and solidarity. These basic principles inform our engagement with the European Union. The European Economic Community, which Ireland joined in 1973, has developed from what was then essentially a free trade bloc into what is now the European Union, a political, social and economic entity.From that date, all economic development, and social and political policies have been impacted on by European institutions and legislation and by the drive towards further integration and centralisation. During this period, the nature of the Union has changed markedly as a result of the integrating structures that have been created by successive EU treaties and rulings. Indeed, the EU of today is radically different from the EEC which Ireland entered. The scale of the issues being dealt with by member states is vastly different from the problems faced in the 1970s. In the period ahead, the EU will grow initially to 25 member-states, then possibly 28 shortly after. Major developments are:

• Fundamental changes to the role of the EU institutions and the influence they have over member states;

• The establishment of the euro as the single currency covering most of the continent;

• The drive towards a singe EU Constitution, taking precedence over member-state constitutions, has begun in earnest;

• Enlargement of the EU will bring on board many of the Eastern European states;

• In an attempt to ape the superpower identity of the United States, the political weight of the European Union is set to increase dramatically. This was provided for in the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1998. It is seen in the development of Common Foreign and Security Policy, moves towards Common Defence and the establishment of the Rapid Reaction Force as a military arm of the EU.

The outcome of these changes has been a new political and economic context that is causing severe difficulties for smaller EU member states in dealing with the scale of the change. Britain’s opting out of the euro has left the Six Counties in the situation where its key trading source in the rest of Ireland will continue to operate in a different currency. The structural funds, which the so-called ‘Celtic Tiger’ relied upon for its growth, are being withdrawn and the ‘political and security’ aspects of the Treaty of Nice will further undermine Irish sovereignty and neutrality.

Throughout the EU, there has been an increasing loss of economic control, and the European Commission has risen to a position where it can demand sweeping changes to fiscal policy by the Irish Government. The role of the European Union in Irish society has been an everincreasing one, to the extent that there are few aspects of Irish political, social and economic life that the EU does not have a dominant and often negative influence over.

It is not just in relation to the euro that the experience of the EU has differed north and south of the border. In the Six Counties, the link to EU institutions is indirect, with the British government insistent that it remains the exclusive intermediary with the EU. People in the Six Counties are being denied any democratic control or influence over their relationship with the EU.

The right to any democratic control or influence over their relationship with the EU has been denied to the people of the Six Counties. In practical terms, this democratic deficit has meant, for example, the loss of considerable amounts of EU funding from the EU because of the unwillingness of the British Government to match those funds. In the 26 Counties, the direct relationship between the government and the EU has meant that there has been a more immediate experience of the operation of the Union. That said, the democratic deficit is experienced throughout the island While in favour of the development of co-operation between European nations, Sinn Féin has a number of profound concerns about the process of European integration. These include:

• The transfer of political and economic sovereignty from national governments to largely unaccountable European institutions, a process that current moves towards federalism will accelerate;

• The consequences of economic centralisation, which reinforces the economic power of core countries and transnational capital while further peripheralising regions such as Ireland;

• The abandonment of Irish neutrality and independent common foreign and security policy by the Irish Government, which is content to see the development of a militarised EU.

While we recognise that the European integration process is at an advanced stage, Ireland must retain the right now and in the future to question both its membership of the EU and the nature of that membership. Successive Irish governments have tied the state’s political and economic system to the future of the European Union to such a degree that, while for republicans withdrawal from such a fundamentally antidemocratic and flawed union is the preferred option, we are realistic in accepting that in the near future Ireland’s economic and political life are tied to a future in the EU. The question has now shifted to the issue of what type of future is wanted and what kind of involvement should Ireland, North and South, have in this new environment. Within this context, a number of crucial challenges lie ahead of us.

These include:

• The ramifications of the Nice Treaty, especially in relation to Irish neutrality and the militarisation of Europe;

• The increasing momentum towards integration;

• The possibility of further moves towards federalism;

• The increasing alienation of Irish and other EU citizens in relation to the Union;

• The reform of the Common Agricultural Policy;

• The implications of Agenda 2000;

• The implications of Enlargement;

• A failing strategy for social inclusion;

• The impact of economic and monetary union, and the loss of economic independence;

• Increasing EU political power;

• The implications of the loss of Structural Funds and One Status and the funding implications

that follow from this;

• The setting up of the Convention on the Future of Europe with the purpose of developing a pan-European constitution. The significance of this latter challenge cannot be underestimated.

In facing these challenges, Sinn Féin seeks to emphasise the positive alternatives to the current integration strategy, such as building a Europe of Equals where all states, regardless of their wealth, their population or military strength of armies, would have an equal say in planning to work together. Sinn Féin wants Ireland to be part of a Europe run democratically from the bottom to the top, not the reverse.

The Policy of Critical Engagements

Sinn Féin’s response to these challenges is the policy of critical engagement. This entails interacting with the European Union at all possible levels to which we have access, in order to use our influence to promote those aspects of the Union’s activities that are beneficial to the people of Ireland and to oppose those that are detrimental. In deciding our attitude to specific policies and initiatives, we subject them to a number of criteria, which include:

• Whether or not the policy has been arrived democratic dialogue;

• Whether its outworking is transparent and subject to democratic accountability;

• Whether it is materially beneficial to the less well off;

• Whether it has the potential to promote Irish unity; and

• The degree to which it compromises national sovereignty or local democracy.

On the basis of how a policy stands up to such criteria, a decision on whether to support, oppose or take a qualified approach to that policy is made.

Sinn Féin sees its role as actively engaging with EU policies and developments to ensure that our demands for national selfdetermination, democracy, and economic and social justice are addressed and advanced. We seek to identify the ongoing need for democratic representation and for policies that reflect the key aims of improving the quality of life of all of the people of Ireland in terms of sustained and balanced socio-economic development. We recognise the need for the defence of economic and democratic rights that complement the national rights, equality rights and human rights that we have campaigned for since our foundation. This is particularly relevant to systematically marginalised groups - the rights of women, children, the elderly and the low paid, to name but a few.

We recognise that the process of European integration is a fluid and constantly developing phenomenon and that, as a consequence, our engagement with it is one of an ongoing critique and opposition. Over the years, Sinn Féin has recognised the underlying nature of the EU political project and the rationale behind its treaty changes, and has opposed them accordingly. The rights to national and economic sovereignty remain principles that continue to be the basis of our ongoing engagement.

Critical engagement is not an anti-European approach. Sinn Féin enthusiastically supports European co-operation and solidarity, and celebrates the fact that, throughout its history, Ireland has very much been a European nation. We believe that cultural diversity, both within Ireland and throughout Europe, strengthens us all. Our core ethos of republicanism, with its basic tenets of liberty, equality and solidarity, is an ideology that emerged from the cauldron of revolutionary Europe. Critical engagement is about promoting a Europe with which all citizens can identify. That means building a Europe of Equals, rather than one that is controlled by large nations, powerful bureaucratic elites and transnational capital. It means creating political institutions that:

• are responsive to democratic wishes;

• do not disregard the interests and wishes of smaller nations or minority groups;

• are accountable for their actions;

• are transparent in their workings and do not disregard the interests and wishes of smaller nations or minority groups.

Sinn Féin’s critical engagement is conducted on a number of levels. Activists and representatives have been working with the structures of the EU for many years through participation in and management of initiatives such as the Peace and Reconciliation projects, the Structural Fund projects, the CAP and Social Inclusion initiatives and through ongoing support for investment in areas of socio-economic disadvantage across the island. In Leinster House, Sinn Féin’s membership of the Oireachtas Committee on European Affairs has enabled us to be proactive in relation to EU legislation, Council of Ministers meetings and other related EU matters. In the Assembly, Sinn Féin was to the forefront in pressing for a structured approach to Europe, which resulted in the setting up of the European Sub-Committee of the Committee of the Centre. Following the 2004 European parliamentary elections, we are confident that Sinn Féin will have the representation to enable us to engage critically at this level as well.

However, Sinn Féin’s critical engagement is not confined to official structures that have been created by, or in response to, the EU. We are also involved in building alliances with antiglobalisation and anti-war activists, and are committed to joining with other peoples and progressive forces within Europe in pursuit of equality, democracy and demilitarisation. We will continue to explore opportunities for cooperation and exchange at grassroots levels.We will also explore the development of common strategies with less powerful countries within the EU to ensure that our interests are not trampled on. This constituency is set to expand greatly with the accession of new member states.

Through our critical engagement, we believe we can contribute to the realisation of our vision for Europe. We want to see a Europe defending our democratic rights not eroding them. We want a Europe that will act collectively to promote equality across the EU in terms of the rights of women, children, disadvantaged communities and the aged. We want to see a Europe that will tackle racism and act decisively to protect and enhance our environment on an EU level, not one that subsidises nuclear power building programmes. We want to be part of a Europe run democratically from the lowest possible level from the bottom to the top, not the reverse that is the case today.

To attain such a Europe, we will use all avenues at our disposal, from grassroots activities to the floor of the European Parliament, to engage with European issues in such a way that the voice of democracy and egalitarianism is heard.

Economic Issues

With the growth of transnational high-technology industries, a new economic system has evolved. EU membership has complicated traditional economic alliances through the emergence of dominant transnational influences on economic development.

In the North, the actual effects of membership of the EU are hard to gauge due to the way in which the conflict has warped economic and political development - with a legacy where resources and investment were being targeted towards the unionist population.

In the 26 Counties, there has been a pattern of development similar to other regions of the EU, in that a gap has emerged between the periphery and the centres of EU economic life. The regional development funds are a formal recognition of the resulting disparities. Since 1973, economic growth in the 26 Counties has been significantly higher than many of the other Member States, particularly similar sized states that which are situated on the periphery. This has meant that for the population in general, there has been an increase in the standard of living consistent enough over the years to converge with the EU average. Problems do, however, arise with the changing nature of socio-economic inequalities, however, with concentrations of poverty becoming more defined among sectoral groups, such as the elderly, or in localities, such as peripheral rural villages. The situation is further complicated by the role of EU Structural Funds that have amounted to 6% of the Gross National Product in the 26 Counties. This has exposed levels of disadvantage and disparities and revealed the state’s revenue dependence on the EU and transnational companies.

For Ireland, three key socio-economic effects have emerged in three decades of involvement with the EU.

The first is that membership may have defined the divisions within the society more sharply. It did, though, give an opportunity for more effective targeting of resources.

Second, as the June 2002 Bank of Ireland Report on Ireland’s position in the EU stated, the average wage still remains half of that of core areas such as Brussels, Paris and Frankfurt.

Third, unemployment in the peripheral regions is up to four times that of this rich core. Long-term unemployment remains, both North and South, one of the highest among the 15 states involved in the EU.

This system has yet to account for the impact of the economic recession in the US economy or the withdrawal of structural funds from the island from 2004 onwards.

Much of Ireland’s problems in relation to economic development and distribution stem from its peripheral position within the European economy. This situation could well become worse. As the various economies in the EU move ever closer to the globalised ideal, and as recession becomes ever more likely as an impact because of constricting markets and the emerging faults in the high-technology industries, nations or regions such as Ireland, on the periphery of larger partners, will be susceptible to downturns and the pressures on international finance. This vulnerability has revealed the high level of susceptibility of the 26-County economy to international swings, given the huge dependence on foreign investment and transnationals.

What has been noticeable in the processes of opening the market within the context of the EU is the extent to which Brussels imposes restrictions on the development of indigenous industries in its priority for multinational hi-tech investment. Furthermore, EU legislation prevents public enterprise. Under anti-competitive practice legislation, it gives added incentives for private sector and multinational involvement in public sector interests.

In order to tackle these problems, Sinn Féin is committed to pressing the European Union to turn its emphasis from competitiveness to social welfare. In other words, instead of spending the vast majority of its effort in promoting the free market economy, the EU should be concentrating its efforts on ensuring the well-being of its less well-off regions and people.

To that end, at a European level, Sinn Féin calls for:

• Significant increases in regional development and social funding.

• The EU to use its influence to ensure that Irish social spending is increased in order to come in line with European standards, rather than trailing along as it currently does in the British model of minimal social investment.

• The EU to put social, employment and environmental issues at the fore of debates. We will continue to raise these issues in the fora available to us, while challenging the more damaging aspects of the free market.

At a national level, Sinn Féin calls for:

• The introduction of a progressive taxation system that could significantly advance social equality and reduce poverty through raising the income of low wage workers.

• Investment in and expansion of the social, health and education sectors. For many of the population living in the less advantaged areas of the 26 Counties, the impact of adequate health and social services will be the test of governmental attempts to bring Ireland into the fast track of EU states.

We realise that we are one political party in a small European nation, and that this limits our capacity to influence European economic policy. However, as a strongly internationalist party, we will continue to build alliances with progressive movements and political parties throughout the Union, so that we are part of a strong collective voice on behalf of the disadvantaged.

Sinn Féin wishes to see the strengthening of bonds between the peripheral nations and regions of the European Union. In addition to Portugal, Greece and Euskadi, which are already in the Union, we will encourage the development of links and alliances with the acceding nations, which will suffer even greater peripherality.

Economic and Monetary Union

The introduction of the euro in the 26 Counties in 2002 was perhaps the most significant event regarding the state’s involvement with the European Union to take place to date. Sinn Féin opposed the introduction of the euro because it involved the loss of control over domestic monetary policy, undermined by the dominance of the European Central Bank (ECB). There are no Irish economists at chief executive level in the ECB, yet it has huge control over the Irish economy. This means that the Dublin government conceded its powers to control the money supply, the exchange rate and the basic interest rate, with no assurances in return that Ireland and similar small and economically peripheral countries would have sufficient say in the management of a common currency. Economic sovereignty has been delivered to a third party and there is no reversal mechanism.

This loss of control is a matter of considerable consequence to the Irish economy. If a downturn in the global economy attacks the growth at the centre of this system, the system is currently constructed in such a way as to protect its interests at the expense of the periphery, of which Ireland is a part.

Moreover, in response to the likelihood of differing national responses to external economic shocks, European policy makers have stressed the need for flexible labour markets to compensate for the loss in monetary policy control. This in turn would imply the pursuit of the following policies reducing the level of trade union and worker power within the labour market:

• Social security and welfare reform. Cutting social security benefits in an attempt to reduce the replacement ratio - the ratio of the level of social security and welfare benefits to the posttax level of wages that would be received in employment.

• Encouraging greater out-migration of nationals during periods of high unemployment. This has been a traditional method of control for Dublin governments.

Sinn Féin will oppose any attempts to introduce policies such as these, which seek to make Irish workers bear the brunt of an inflexible economic system.

Sinn Féin calls for the reform of the ECB to establish fair representation on its governing bodies for smaller and peripheral EU nations in order to ensure that the policies pursued by the bank do not simply reflect the economic requirements of the larger nations

The euro and the North

Ireland continues to operate two distinct monetary systems, the one in the North tied to the London Treasury and the Bank of England, while the South is now tied to the ECB. This divide is having a deleterious effect on the process of economic unification. Indeed, if the situation is maintained, it has the potential to exacerbate economic differences.

The adoption of a single currency throughout the island is a crucial part of the process of economic unification. Withdrawal of the euro in favour of a national currency is not a viable option in the medium term. Sinn Féin has long opposed the undemocratic control of part of the Irish economy by British financial institutions. The adoption of the euro in the Six Counties would not involve a loss of democratic control, given that there is currently no control over the Bank of England. Indeed, entry of the Six Counties into the euro zone will strengthen our demands for greater Irish participation in the decision-making processes of the ECB. Sinn Féin will, therefore, support the adoption of the euro in the Six Counties in any future referendum on the issue.

If the Six Counties do become part of the euro zone, the transition needs to be far more tightly managed than was the case in the 26 Counties in order to ensure that the process is not used as an opportunity for the surreptitious raising of prices. Clear and legally enforceable rules need to be set out in relation to price conversion.

Structural Funding

There is no questioning that many worthwhile social and regional economic development programmes have been designed and funded by the EU and have had a measured and quantifiable effect on the development of the all-island system and the quality of life of people on the island. The cross-border aspects of the Peace and Reconciliation Fund and the likes of the INTERREG programme offered new opportunities and insights into the harmonisation of policies and organisational networks on a 32- county basis. The Structural and Cohesion Funds have reshaped the infrastructure of the island and have facilitated an economic network that stretches from Cork to Derry. In part, the aim of the funding was to develop this type of infrastructure to the point where it could facilitate the opening of the market system throughout the island. Although the Dublin government can be criticised for not having the insight to invest in this arterial route system in its own right through its own resources, the structural programmes do provide opportunities that may have not been available for all-island economic development a decade earlier.

In 1992, Ireland was one of the poorest regions of the EU. By 1998, under a drive to increase the number of open free market policies which led to massive foreign investment and a ‘Celtic Tiger’, the GDP had risen to 90% of the EU average - although GNP per head, a more accurate measure because of the distorting effects of transnational corporations, shows a much lower level. This suggested that Objective One funding did offer a base for the growth of the economy. At a micro-economic level, at local and community level, the effects were less than beneficial. This was most notable in the Six Counties, where the administration merely supplemented funding for community and economic development with EU money. With the lack of additional funding, many services that had been established within communities of social and economic exclusion were run down and subjected to economic viability clauses. There was also a series of fraudulent activities involving EU funding that depleted the funds substantially.

Sinn Féin will put pressure on the British Government to take its obligations in relation to European funding seriously, to cease using European funds as a substitute for funding that should be the responsibility of government, and to accept its responsibilities in relation to additionality to ensure that funding opportunities are maximised.

One important aspect of structural funding to Ireland has been the effect that different schemes have had on economic and social development tackling disadvantage. It has been a function of EU policy in Ireland that Sinn Féin has been monitoring, particularly at Council level. Sinn Féin proposes the following criteria for acceptable allocation of funds:

Firstly, there must be clear and quantifiable plans on what the real objectives of structural funding should be. Chief among these are:

• the need to ensure equality of treatment in the application of funding;

• priority should not go to the business sector alone;

• the social, voluntary and public sectors should be prioritised;

• areas and communities who are the most economically disadvantaged and marginalised should be heavily invested in; there is a need to maximise the participation of citizens and communities in deciding how the structural funds plan should be applied in their areas;

• there is a need to ensure that the funds are being applied in the most efficient and transparent methods possible;

• fraud in the system should be exposed and action taken against the perpetrators; and

• every possible precaution is taken to protect and enhance the environment.

Secondly, Six-County structural funds should not be taken in isolation from the process underway in the 26 Counties. There must be an ongoing coherent and vibrant all-island dimension. Unlike the previous round, where opportunities were lost, the 32-county dimension of the current

Structural arrangements need to be maximised. Priority 4 of the ‘Community Support Framework 2000-2006′ states that North/South co-operation will be a strategic priority and commits a minimum of €400 million to promote it. This is a significant platform on which to build.

The All-Ireland Dimension of Structural Funding

Sinn Féin reasserts the principle that the single greatest structural impediment to coherent economic development in Ireland is the existence of two political and economic systems. It is increasingly recognised that the respective governments acknowledge the need for an all-island economy. Reflecting this, the Common Chapter of the 2000-2006 round outlines the common challenges, the level of existing cooperation, and the scope for future shared developments on an all-Ireland basis.

Throughout Ireland, there are huge economic imbalances both socially and geographically. Resources have been increasingly concentrated in the South Eastern region which have left the border region that have left the border and western regions depopulated and underdeveloped. In 1997, job creation across the island was at an all time high, yet in areas such as the north-west - and in areas like North Belfast and West Belfast - the number of jobs actually fell. The only way of overcoming these disparities is to view the development programmes as being all-island, offering opportunities that can be gained through the formulation of a joint approach for the border regions, north-west and the Six Counties. The imbalance between the East and the West of Ireland is also hampering the processes towards a balanced development for all of the people of the island. The South’s National Development Plan 2000-2006, which was introduced on 15 November 1999, gives some idea of the problems involved, but it underplays the role of the all-Ireland aspect of interdependence.

Sinn Féin calls for the creation of a strategic development plan that incorporates the border regions, the west and the Six Counties in a comprehensive targeted strategy. We also call for fundamental changes to ensure effective targeting of EU funds in terms of allocation, impact assessment and administration.

In relation to additionality, it should be noted that many of the decisions taken by Westminster about which additionality schemes to adopt are based on what is beneficial for Britain. These decisions often disadvantage people in the Six Counties. The structural differences between the Six Counties and Britain demonstrate the need for an all-Ireland dimension to additionality programmes. Sinn Féin proposes that in the short term, a North/South body be instituted with responsibility for additionality programmes.

Sinn Féin is supportive of the efforts by the Commission to ensure that the redirection of EU funding into government projects will be much more difficult for governments to get away with. We regard such practices as nothing more than the dishonest misappropriation of funds from underprivileged communities.

With the impending closure of Objective One status for the island of Ireland and the loss of billions of euros in revenue, the aftermath of this support needs to be scrutinised through every sector of the Irish economy. To facilitate transparency around what is one of the most pressing economic issues the people of Ireland have to deal with in the coming years, Sinn Féin calls for a 32- county commission to be established with the assistance and financial backing of the EU, with the remit of measuring the full effects of the withdrawal of Objective One status for the island. The outcome of such a commission should involve action plans and remedial targets to stabilise the social and economic infrastructure on the island prior to the run down of EU funding support. The focus must continue to be a coherent all-island dimension that will, post Objective One, find the resources from the national reserve to resolve the negative impact of partition and the socio-economic and political divisions that the regime has enforced on the island. This will require mainstream funding to be directed towards community development and public and social services.

During this process, Sinn Féin will continue to act in alliance with community groups throughout the 32 Counties. We are committed to use our political offices to ensure the survival and prosperity of the community sector in the years after 2006. We will do this by co-ordinating activities at a local level, by disseminating information to community activists, and by campaigning to save the community sector in the face of what will be a major threat.

Agriculture and Rural Development

Agriculture in Ireland is in crisis. The system of European support in the form of the Common Agricultural Policy has clearly failed tens of thousands of Irish farmers and condemned tens of thousands more to a precarious existence and dependency upon direct payments. While the richest farmers gain the most from CAP payments, small farmers are facing insolvency. Sinn Féin recognises the urgent need to reform the CAP. Currently, CAP primarily involves the direct support of production. This leads to the over production of food that is then dumped on the world markets below cost price, undermining developing world producers. By definition, it benefits large producers to a far greater extent than small- and medium-sized farms. Sinn Féin proposes the decoupling of CAP payments from volume of production. We propose that there should be three strands to CAP:

• It should have an income-linked strand, which would ensure that those farmers most in need of assistance get it.

• Production payments should be constructed as incentives to improving the quality of production, the environmental sustainability of production processes, and to the encouragement of animal welfare.

• There should be an increased emphasis on funding rural development programmes, which should be organised in a highly decentralised manner and come under local democratic control.

Fisheries

Since 1973, Irish waters have yielded approximately 36 million tonnes of fish, valued at more than €120 billion. 50 per cent of the fish eaten in the EU comes from Irish waters, yet the Irish fishing industry is subject to increasing levels of restriction.

Sinn Féin calls on the Irish Government, as part of the review of the Common Fisheries Policy, to reassert the principle of national sovereignty over territorial waters. Decision-making on who is permitted to fish in national territorial waters should be the prerogative of the nations that have sovereignty over those waters.

Sinn Féin recognises the imperative for a sustainable fishing policy, which includes ensuring the maintenance of adequate fish stocks. Local producers should be involved in the development of that policy in relation to their area.

Fishing communities should have the opportunity to enjoy the same sort of standard of living expected by other citizens. Funds should be made available for the development of coastal communities.

Political Issues

Perhaps more than any other European-based ideology, republicanism is best equipped to confront the issues relating to a new and closer Europe with regional and national sovereignty at its core. In a system of increasing political and economic integration, and with globalisation very much the basis of the ‘new world order’, the debate around regional and national interests in control of political and economic destiny are more important than ever. This is not to say that republicanism is an insular ideology - quite the opposite. Since its origin, Irish republicanism has been part of the European democratic movement, and will continue to be so. To that end, Sinn Féin will continue to build co-operative links with similar minded democratic movements throughout Europe.

Both Fianna Fail and Fine Gael have endorsed the dissolution of national politics and have moved to the position where they are unquestioning in their belief that Irish economic and political structures should reside within the European system. By stealth, Irish economic and political sovereignty has been delivered without question or adequate debate to the EU system. It is Sinn Féin’s political objective that the changing relationship between the EU and Ireland should be the subject of political and public scrutiny, and that all proposed political developments should be judged according to their democratic potential or lack thereof.

The Convention on the Future of Europe

The significance of this Convention, which may well result in a proposal for a pan-European constitution, cannot be overestimated. It is currently dealing with a myriad of issues, including defence; the social Europe; ‘freedom, security and justice’; the role of national parliaments; and economic governance, which have the potential to radically alter the relationship between member states and the Union.

Sinn Féin is concerned that participation in this crucial debate should be as wide as possible. We are determined that it will not be a case of the establishment parties keeping a lid on informed engagements in order to steamroll through acceptance. To that end, Sinn Féin will be engaging with, and challenging the outworking of, this process at every stage of the way.

In order to ensure democratic participation, we demand that consultation, scrutiny and debateshould be full and rigorous. At the conclusion of that debate, any proposals emanating from the EU should be subject to a referendum on both sides of the border. Indeed, we believe that people in every member state should have the opportunity to have their say on whether any constitutional arrangements should be ratified or otherwise.

This is not to say that Sinn Féin will automatically take an oppositional approach to all aspects of the constitutional proposals. As with all other facets of the EU, we will critically engage with the Convention and, weighing up the merits of each proposal, decide whether or not they are progressive and support them or oppose them on that basis. In this critical engagement, Sinn Féin will adopt the criteria of republican principles. At a general level, we contend that democratically ratified national constitutions should take precedence over any pan-European constitutional treaty. At a specific level, we insist that Irish sovereignty and independence should be safeguarded, especially in relation to the key areas of foreign and defence policy, justice and taxation.

Neutrality

As a cornerstone of an independent foreign policy, the neutrality of the 26 Counties must be copper-fastened. We believe that there has been a long-standing government policy to incrementally abandon neutrality, so as to align Ireland with the militarisation of the EU without having to face electoral accountability. As we saw in the Nice referenda, each treaty that is signed involves a further strengthening of European military structures and an equivalent undermining of Ireland’s position of neutrality, all of which is accompanied by denials from Irish Government sources that there is any challenge to neutrality. This lack of transparency and democratic accountability is nothing less than a disgrace. We are determined that the Convention will not be used as a further pretext for compromising Irish neutrality in favour of the construction of Fortress Europe. We therefore call for an immediate public debate on neutrality and a referendum on explicitly incorporating neutrality into the constitution.

Recognising that control of justice policy is at the core of national sovereignty, we will oppose any dilution of the requirement for unanimous decisions in relation to justice and home affairs.

Given that fiscal policy is now the only instrument by which governments in the EU can act in an autonomous fashion to protect their economies, Sinn Féin is opposed to the European harmonisation of taxation.

In relation to the areas of economic governance and social Europe, we are anxious that issues of economic governance should not take precedence over social issues. We reiterate our point that the time has come for the EU to cease its obsession with the free market and turn its attention in a focused manner to the welfare of its citizens, which involves, inter alia, ensuring that states provide citizens with appropriate public services.

Expansion and External Relations

We welcome the enlargement process and the inclusion of new members that meet the Copenhagen political criteria on democracy and human rights, and whose populations have endorsed membership by referendum. We strongly reject any notion that states should be excluded from the EU on the basis of some false racially or religiously exclusive notion of what is ‘European’. Many of the Eastern European acceding states have colonial histories and remain economically peripheral. To that extent, they will have much in common with Ireland. We are convinced that alliances of peripheral states have the potential to counterbalance the power of the core economic nations. To that end, we will do all within our remit to facilitate such alliances.

Together, we will have a far greater chance of creating a Europe of Equals. At the same time, we reject the development of European ’supra-nationalism’, in which lie implicitly notions of superiority and exclusivity. Instead, Sinn Féin will promote an inclusive internationalist approach. Solidarity should not end at the borders of the Union. We recognise that Ireland continues to have as much in common with former colonised countries throughout the world as with those powerful European neighbours who were the colonisers.

We support those countries’ struggles for selfdetermination in the face of domination by more powerful nations.

Sinn Féin opposes the policy of ‘Fortress Europe’. Instead of concentrating on issues of exclusivity, the EU should use its considerable economic power to pursue policies that support weaker and impoverished regions and eradicate the exploitative trade agreements that have damaged the independence and sustainability of countries in the developing world. Central to this agenda are demands from the developing world for the EU to engage with the debt and aid crisis and take a decisive step to eradicate debt and rebuild states burdened by debt repayment since the opening up of global trade in the 1980s. This should be done in a way that promotes human and equality rights, social inclusion, and political and economic justice.

Summary of Main Recommendations

Critial Engagement

Sinn Féin’s approach to Europe is one of critical engagement. This entails interacting with the European Union at all levels to which we have access, in order to use our influence to ensure that our demands for national selfdetermination, democracy, and economic and social justice are addressed and advanced. We seek to identify the ongoing need for democratic representation and for policies that reflect the key aims of improving the quality of life of all of the people of Ireland in terms of sustained and balanced socio-economic development.

Economic Issues

Sinn Féin is committed to pressing the European Union to turn its emphasis from competitiveness to social welfare. To that end, we call for:

Significant increases in regional development and social funding;

The EU to use its influence to ensure that Irish social spending is increased in order to come in line with European standards;

The EU to put social, employment and environmental issues at the fore of debates.

Sinn Féin wishes to see the strengthening of bonds between the peripheral nations and regions of the European Union.

Economic and Monetary Union

Sinn Féin will oppose reactionary policies designed to increase the flexibility of the labour market.

The EURO and the North

Sinn Féin will support the adoption of the euro in the Six Counties in any future referendum on the issue.

Structural Funding

Sinn Féin proposes the following criteria for acceptable allocation of funds:

Firstly, there must be clear and quantifiable plans on what the real objectives of structural funding should be. Chief among these are:

the need to ensure equality of treatment in the application of funding;

the need to maximise the participation of citizens;

the need to ensure that the funds are being applied in the most efficient and transparent methods possible;

that fraud in the system should be exposed; and

that every possible precaution is taken to protect and enhance the environment.

Sinn Féin proposes that in the short term, a North/South body be instituted with responsibility for additionality programmes.

Sinn Féin is supportive of the efforts by the Commission to ensure that the redirection of EU funding into government projects will be much more difficult for governments to get away with.

Sinn Féin calls for a 32-County commission to be established with the remit of measuring the full effects of the withdrawal of Objective One status for the island. The outcome of such a commission should involve action plans and remedial targets to stabilise the social and economic infrastructure on the island prior to the run down of EU funding support.

Agriculture and Fisheries

Sinn Féin recognises the urgent need to reform the CAP. We propose that there should be three strands to CAP:

It should have an income subsidy strand, which would ensure that those farmers most in need of assistance get it.

Production subsidies should be constructed as incentives to improve the quality of production, the environmental sustainability of production processes, and the encouragement of animal welfare.

There should be an increased emphasis on funding rural development programmes.

Sinn Féin calls for the reassertion of the principle of national sovereignty over territorial waters.

The Convention on the future of Europe

Sinn Féin calls for an immediate public debate on neutrality and a referendum on explicitly incorporating neutrality into the 26-County Constitution.

Sinn Féin opposes any dilution of the requirement for unanimous decisions in relation to justice and home affairs.

Sinn Féin opposes the European harmonisation of taxation.

In relation to the areas of economic governance and social Europe, we are anxious that issues of economic governance should not take precedence over social issues.

Enlargement and External Relations

We welcome the enlargement process and the inclusion of new members

We reject the development of European ’supra-nationalism’, in which lie implicitly notions of superiority and exclusivity.

Sinn Féin and the European Union 2003

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